Prem M. Trivedi
Director, Open Technology Institute, 麻豆果冻传媒
Big Tech鈥檚 influence in Washington, DC, is not new, but private tech and governmental interests are merging in ways that represent a concerning reconfiguration. In part two of our series on the Trump administration鈥檚 first 100 days, we highlight three key trends:
In analyzing the Trump administration鈥檚 first 30 days, we unpacked efforts to weaken the federal government鈥檚 pillars of independent oversight, undermine institutions protecting consumers and their data, and access sensitive data across government without regard for privacy and security. Each of these efforts persists鈥攁s dramatically by President 麻豆果冻传媒 attempts to fire Democratic Federal Trade Commission (FTC) commissioners Alvaro Bedoya and Rebecca Kelly Slaughter. These trends are also part of a dangerous new dynamic in tech governance. Large players in the private sector have long held influence in Washington, but a growing number of companies, investors, and other tech leaders are now directly aligning with governmental interests in a disconcerting . We need to fully recognize its impact.
The CEOs in the plum seats of President 麻豆果冻传媒 inauguration were more than a symbolic reminder of the deepening alliance between Big Tech and this administration. The inauguration acknowledged the reality that the executive branch now picks winners and losers. Clear winners, like and 鈥攂oth owned by tech executive Elon Musk鈥攁re new government contracts as federal agencies are gutted. In a long-running exchange of quid pro quos, Musk鈥檚 platform X has taken on a clearly bent as he stumps in favor of its policies. For instance, he recently that widespread outages at X were the result of Ukrainian attacks. President Trump returned the favor, falsely that consumer boycotts of Tesla are 鈥渋llegal鈥 and supporters to support the company. The attack on the FTC鈥檚 independence via the commissioner firings flies in the face of Supreme Court precedent and paves the way for the administration to pick winners and losers in overtly anticompetitive and consumer-unfriendly ways. (The firings prompted from 25 civil society organizations, including OTI.)
Parts of the private sector are enjoying favored status, and tech companies in general may be heartened by the new administration鈥檚 , especially on artificial intelligence (AI). But many companies are also motivated by the of what political disfavor could bring. Amazon founder and The聽Washington Post owner Jeff Bezos鈥 decision to the 笔辞蝉迟鈥檚 editorial page and of his decisions are a prime example. Mark Zuckerberg鈥檚 moves at Meta to third-party fact-checking and loosen the reins on content moderation are part of the company鈥檚 scramble to improve its political standing. Major tech players will continue to avoid the costs of political disfavor. Instead of serving as a counterweight to U.S. state power, many powerful tech companies appear cautious to the point of subservience.
The current dynamic between the private sector and our government is most dramatically visible in Elon Musk鈥檚 use of the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) to devastate federal agencies and Americans鈥 sensitive data. It is unprecedented to see a tech titan directing staff to gut federal agencies, for cuts to Social Security, and Cabinet meetings.
But this phenomenon didn鈥檛 materialize out of thin air; the trend began well before last November鈥檚 presidential election. A long list of Silicon Valley investors were growing of the Biden administration鈥檚 attempts to regulate large tech companies and became frustrated by what they have characterized as a campaign to demonize them. Looking back over more than a decade, tech firms have been pouring money and time into . As Silicon Valley has augmented its ability to shape policymaking, some tech leaders have been focused not just on increased influence but also on in fundamentally undemocratic ways. These trends have at least played a role in setting up the dramatic scenes now unfolding.
Unlike lobbies of the past, titans in the tech industry control resources that can actively help the government consolidate its power. Big Pharma and Big Tobacco brought great financial resources to bear, but they do not control vast communications infrastructure, communications platforms, algorithms that shape content, large payment platforms, or huge e-commerce companies. And many of the Big Tech companies are no longer just lobbying; they are demonstrating an unprecedented willingness to act as appendages of the state. These resources are uniquely beneficial for an administration that finds it appealing to exercise unrestrained power, take control of modes of mass communication, and control the public narrative. What is unfolding is not public-private partnership in the public interest; it represents a public-private sector alignment against the public interest.
As always, OTI will continue to advance transparency, accountability, and fairness in tech policy. But these principles require continued commitment to the rule of law and functioning institutions across government. Congress must exercise its constitutional power to scrutinize executive branch policies and ensure government contracting and decision-making remain free from undue influence. So must the courts. And companies must resist becoming junior partners of the state in ways that undermine their independence, public trust in their technologies, and, ultimately, their bottom line.
Correction: This blog post has been changed to correct Jeff Bezos鈥 title. Bezos is no longer the CEO of Amazon. He is the founder of Amazon.