麻豆果冻传媒

In Short

Time for the FAMILY Act

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鈥淭oday鈥檚 world is a mobile one and families are dispersed. Young men and women often move far away from their homes to find education and work, which of course leaves both the older parents and the growing young families apart鈥nd very much alone and without support when a crisis occurs.鈥 鈥 Joan Lunden, former host of Good Morning America, testifying before the U.S. House Ways & Means Committee, January 28, 2020

鈥淭here is broad agreement that the current reality of who gets paid leave and how they access it is not working and that it exacerbates inequality.鈥 鈥 Kemi Role, director of work equity, National Employment Law Project, testifying before the U.S. House Ways & Means Committee, January 28, 2020

Last week, Congress took a step forward on paid family and medical leave when the U.S. House Ways & Means committee on legislative proposals that would greatly expand access to paid leave to working people across the United States.

With a little luck and a lot of work, this hearing will lead swiftly to the markup of a proposal called the (H.R. 1185). The bill would create a national paid family and medical leave program that covers workers who need to take time away from their jobs to care for a new child, a seriously ill or injured loved one, their own health issues, or circumstances related to a loved one鈥檚 military service deployment.

As someone who has testified before Congress on this issue four times; spent a decade working at the federal, state, and local levels to enhance paid leave access; and helped lawmakers draft the FAMILY Act, I feel hopeful about the momentum and signs of progress鈥攑rogress that is long overdue and badly needed to bridge gender, racial, economic, and health disparities in this country.

The Ways & Means hearing followed closely on the heels of several paid leave milestones: a 2019 House Oversight and Reform committee hearing on the FAMILY Act, the granting of paid parental leave benefits to federal employees as part of the 2020 National Defense Authorization Act, and the creation of a bipartisan Senate working group on paid family and medical leave.

At the state level, congressional action builds on the January 2020 implementation of the nation鈥檚 fifth statewide paid family and medical leave law (in Washington state). 2019 also saw the passage of new laws in Connecticut and Oregon, as well as the expansion of New Jersey鈥檚 program鈥攂ringing the total number of with paid family and medical leave up to eight, plus the District of Columbia. Each of these laws provides workers with a substantial share of their wages during paid family or medical leave; each has improved on the next to promote equity, inclusion, and certainty for workers and businesses alike.

This action is long overdue. Twenty-seven years ago this week, President Bill Clinton the Family and Medical Leave Act (FMLA)鈥攖he first federal law to recognize that workers get sick, have sick loved ones, have children, and may need time away from work to provide or receive care. But the FMLA offers only job-protected unpaid leave to eligible workers. And although this landmark law has been used more than 200 million times and helped fuel the beginning of a culture change around work and care, it excludes 40 percent of the workforce due to employer size and employee tenure and hours requirements. It also fails to guarantee the financial protections people need when they take time away from work.

FMLA advocates always knew it was the first step, not the last. Business industry opponents fought for鈥攁nd won鈥 that proved unnecessary and exclusionary, with for women, caregivers, lower-wage workers, and people of color. More than a quarter of a century later, America鈥檚 families, and especially America鈥檚 most vulnerable workers, are still waiting for Congress to adopt a national paid family and medical leave standard.

Some critics of further legislative action still insist that companies will institute new policies on their own, and that we should allow market forces to address the issue. However, data on workers鈥 access to paid family leave belie this claim.

As of 2019, as I to Congress, just 19 percent of workers were offered paid family leave through their jobs. And while access increased from 2014 to 2019 (a five-year period of transformational change in terms of state-level policy and private sector innovation) the primary beneficiaries have been workers in the highest-wage jobs, especially in technology and finance (a 12-percentage point jump in access, from 22 percent to 34 percent). Meanwhile, workers in the lowest-wage jobs have seen only minuscule improvements: a 2 percentage point gain (from 4 percent to 6 percent).

Faced with this data and similar sobering statistics, not a single member of Congress or witness in the Ways & Means committee hearing suggested that market forces alone would fill America鈥檚 paid leave gaps. And both Democratic and Republican members agreed that paid leave is a topic on which the committee should find consensus.

I agree. State lawmakers and interest groups have been able to come together to craft strong, inclusive, affordable, and sustainable policies. Congress should, too.

The FAMILY Act is the right approach, and members of Congress should look at the facts, put aside idealized notions of the free market鈥檚 ability to support workers鈥 well-being, and enact it swiftly. First introduced in 2013, the proposal would offer up to 12 weeks of paid leave annually鈥攑aid at 66 percent of a workers鈥 typical wages鈥攆or each of the reasons covered in the FMLA.

This would be a portable benefit not tied to a particular employer, meaning everyone who works鈥攖raditional employees in businesses of all sizes, as well as 鈥済ig鈥 workers鈥攊s eligible. It would be funded, as state programs are, by small payroll deductions of less than $4.00 per week each for a typical worker, with the cost split between employers and employees. This means the cost of leave is shared broadly and sustainably鈥攐ffering certainty and predictability to employers and employees alike.

State lawmakers and interest groups have been able to come together to craft strong, inclusive, affordable, and sustainable policies. Congress should, too.

In fact, the FAMILY Act鈥檚 provisions are modest compared to state programs. Key elements of the FAMILY Act should be adjusted to provide higher wage replacement to lower-wage workers, an expanded definition of family members for whom workers can take leave, more inclusive eligibility rules, and stronger employment protections. This would make the federal program more consistent with the evolution of state policies鈥攁nd more responsive to evidence-based findings on maximizing the ability of lower-wage workers, people of color, LGBTQ people, and people with disabilities and their caregivers to use the earned benefits they鈥檙e paying for.

As my Better Life Lab colleague Brigid Schulte and I have, state paid leave programs, along with data on programs abroad and U.S. private sector policies, have demonstrated paid leave鈥檚 potential to boost women鈥檚 labor force participation and earnings; men鈥檚 involvement in caregiving; and health outcomes for women, children, and people with serious health issues. Paid leave has also been shown to reduce nursing home use, the length of children鈥檚 hospital stays, and new parents鈥 use of public assistance programs.

Furthermore, state programs have shown that any concerns businesses have prior to the implementation of new policies (often related to cost, absenteeism, or misuse) are largely unfounded. In fact, businesses鈥攁nd especially small businesses鈥攂enefit from public paid leave programs, which ease the financial burdens they face when a worker takes leave.

Some in Congress are tempted by anemic half-measures, which Rep. Ann Wagner (R-Mo) and Rep. Elise Stefanik (R-N.Y.) detailed for the committee last week. These proposals鈥攚hich, notably, none of the committee members or witnesses defended鈥攚ould force the very same workers presently excluded from paid leave programs to make trade-offs. They would ask parents in need of paid leave to accept either a or a reduced Child Tax Credit payment each year for 10-15 years, in exchange for a that coincides with a child鈥檚 birth or adoption. And they would do nothing for the tens of millions of people鈥斺攚ho take leave to care for their own health issues or a loved one.

Investing in universally provided, equitably available paid leave is an investment in a brighter, more compassionate future. For far too long, Americans have been forced to make do with half-hearted half-measures. Now, as the FMLA passes its 27th birthday, it鈥檚 time to finally give the country what it deserves: guaranteed access to paid leave for all.

More 麻豆果冻传媒 the Authors

Vicki Shabo
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Vicki Shabo

Senior Fellow for Gender Equity, Paid Leave & Care Policy and Strategy, Better Life Lab

Time for the FAMILY Act